Inside Asian Gaming

November 2014 inside asian gaming 19 and fervent supporters of Beijing. And so the next CE will follow his predecessor in unquestioningly doing their bidding and Beijing’s. But that doesn’t necessarily mean it’ll be business as usual—to assume that would be to underestimate the central government’s sensitivity and savvy. Beijing is acutely conscious of simmering discontent across the Chinese mainland and in Macau and Hong Kong. If it were to publicly give in to the demands of the Occupy Central movement, it would risk precipitating an avalanche of civil disobedience movements across the country, testing the government’s carefully crafted veneer of social stability. Rather, the central government is reflecting on the root causes of the protestors’ dissatisfaction and formulating an appropriate strategy to restore social harmony. Democracy is ultimately a tool that empowers common people to seek improvements in their quality of life. And in Hong Kong and Macau it’s acknowledged that the single biggest improvement people are looking for is affordable housing. China’s integration of its two semi-autonomous special administrative regions is a work in progress, and the next stage of the experiment could be incorporating some socialist characteristics by way of a Singapore-style provision of widespread high-quality public housing. Macau would be the easiest place to start, owing to its size and healthy fiscal reserves, and because its property developers aren’t quite so powerful and likely to resist the initiative. parents, about inequality and about wealthy mainlanders buying up their property, filling prized spots in elite schools and taking the best jobs. Many fear the possible encroachment of the [Communist Party’s] authoritarian values on Hong Kong’s way of life.” And, shockingly, in a recent interview with foreign media, Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Cheung Ying made no bones about the government’s wish to limit the political representation of the poor and working class. Asked why only candidates selected by a 1,200-member Beijing-approved nominating committee could stand for the 2017 chief executive election, Mr Leung responded: “If it’s entirely a numbers game and numeric representation, then obviously you’d be talking to the half of the people in Hong Kong who earn less than US$1,800 a month.” Hong Kong’s median income, which works out to $21,600 a year, is a smidgen more than in Macau. But since Hong Kong’s GDP per capita last year stood far below Macau’s, at $38,124, it would seem that wealth is arguably better distributed in Hong Kong. Therefore, if inequality was the spark that ignitedHong Kong’s Umbrella Revolution, there’s a good chance it could do the same in Macau. EVOLVING MACAU In August, pro-democracy activists attempted to conduct an unofficial public referendum on the performance of Chief Executive Chui Sai On. … Police quickly swept in to shut down the polling stations. Four organizers were arrested. Beijing is acutely conscious of simmering discontent across the Chinese mainland and in Macau and Hong Kong. If it were to publicly give in to the demands of the Occupy Central movement, it would risk precipitating an avalanche of civil disobedience movements across the country. The prices of even these typical older apartment units in Macau are far beyond the reach of average citizens.